ElimuZA Access to Education
HISTORY PAPER 2 GRADE 12 ADDENDUM - 2018 SEPTEMBER PREPARATORY EXAM PAPERS AND MEMOS
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GRADE 12
NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE
ADDENDUM
SEPTEMBER 2018
QUESTION 1:
HOW DID STEPHEN BANTU BIKO AND HIS PHILOSOPHY OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS INFLUENCE BLACK STUDENTS IN THE 1970s?
SOURCE 1A
This extract explains Biko’s influence on South Africa between the 1960’s and 1970’s.
| Stephen (Steve) Bantu Biko was a popular voice of Black liberation in South Africa between the mid-1960s and his death in police detention in 1977. This was the period in which both the ANC and the PAC had been officially banned and the disenfranchised (deprive of right) Black population (especially the youth) were highly receptive to the prospect of a new organisation that could carry their grievances against the apartheid state. Biko and his peers were responding to developments that emerged in the high phase of apartheid, when the Nationalist Party (NP), in power for almost two decades, was restructuring the country to conform to its policies of separate development. The NP went about untangling what little pockets of integration and proximity (closeness) there were between White, Black, Coloured and Indian people by creating new residential areas, new parallel institutions such as schools, universities and administrative bodies. Aside from the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), he is also credited with launching the South African Students Organisation (SASO), which was created as a Black alternative to the liberal National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). It is necessary to disambiguate this move, as Biko is frequently misunderstood to have been ‘anti-white.’ This categorisation is demonstrably untrue, as Biko had no issue with White people per se – his target was always, ultimately white supremacy and the apartheid government. Biko is best remembered for empowering black voices, installing a sense of black pride and for taking the liberation struggle forward and galvanising (excite into action) the youth movement |
SOURCE 1B
This extract describes Vusi Pikoli’s first meeting with Steve Biko in 1973.
| In 1973, I was part of the SCM (Student Christian Movement) at school. We had an invitation for a leadership course that was run by Steve Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) people in Port Elizabeth. So we went. We were picked up by a kombi from our school on Friday – I think it was a long weekend – the place was called Waverly Hills, a farm area between Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage. That’s where I met Steve Biko for the first time. He was giving lectures, but in the middle of that the special branch came (NP government special security police). They blocked the place and they started searching it. Then Steve Biko was taken away. Barney Pityana was taken away, but we remained. The other guys continued with the lectures. Then on Monday, when we went back to school, the Special Branch was there to collect all of us that attended. Now we were questioned. What was it that was there? I can tell you, those guys at Waverly were speaking above our heads; we didn’t understand a thing that they were telling us. But we knew we had taken notes, hidden them, and they had told us that we must be careful. Even at our own school, our principal was actually demoted (given lower position). That’s how I got involved with the Black Consciousness Movement and politics. Now they started giving us tasks, like talking to other students. I started talking to Vusi (the other Vusi) and my friends. I started explaining about BCM. I was more Black Consciousness Movement orientated then. But I think the thing that sparked everything was the ’76 uprising. |
SOURCE 1C
This source outlines the reasons for the Soweto students’ march in June 1976.
| On the morning of Wednesday 16 June 1976, twenty thousand Soweto schoolchildren marched in protest against a decree (ruling) by the South African Government’s Department of Bantu Education that Afrikaans had to be used as one of the languages of instruction in secondary schools. Learners gathered from all parts of Soweto on this planned march against the use of Afrikaans as one of the languages used as a medium of instruction in Black schools. It is not altogether clear what happened to the initially peaceful march or what sparked off the violence that was to claim at least 176 lives within little more than a week. Newspaper photographs and several eyewitness accounts suggest that the marching students were good humoured, high-spirited and excited. Some were carrying placards bearing slogans like, ‘Down with Afrikaans!’, ‘We are not Boers!’, ‘Viva Azania!’ and ‘If we must do Afrikaans, Vorster must do Zulu!’ |
SOURCE 1D
This photograph shows students embarking on a march on 16 June 1976 to Orlando Stadium in Soweto.
QUESTION 2:
HOW DID THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC) DEAL WITH THE ASSASSINATION OF CHRIS HANI?
SOURCE 2A
The extract below focuses on the reasons why the assassins Janusz Walus and Clive Derby-Lewis were refused amnesty by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
| Wednesday, 7 April 1999 The Amnesty Committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) refused amnesty to Janusz Walus and Clive Derby-Lewis, the assassins of Chris Hani, leader of the South African Communist Party (SACP). Walus, a Polish immigrant, on 10 April 1993 shot and killed Hani in the driveway of his home in Dawn Park, Boksburg. He used a gun supplied by Derby-Lewis. The Committee found that both applicants failed to make a full disclosure and political motivation in respect of any of the relevant and material issues set out in the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, no. 34 of 1995. The Committee resolved, ‘It is common course that the applicants were not acting on their express authority or orders from the Conservative Party (CP) which they purport to represent in assassinating Mr. Hani. The CP has never adopted, propagated or espoused (adopt) a policy of violence or assassination of political opponents.’ Presently they are both serving life sentences for the murder. Recently Janusz Walus applied for parole from the Prison Services. However, his application was dismissed. There were numerous marches and protests against his application. |
SOURCE 2B
This is an extract from Clice Derby-Lewi’s amnesty application hearing.
| BIZOS: Before you decided to make yourself guilty of murder, did you go to your leader and say, specifically, leader, what is our party’s policy in relation to killing of people, or doing damage to property, or using violence? DERBY-LEWIS: Mr. Chairman, I testified previously that I had already discussed the moral basis of killing in the ongoing struggle against the anti-Christ and I have testified as to what my leader said. BIZOS: Did Dr Hartzenberg tell you personally that CP policy had changed from non-violence to violence? Yes or no? DERBY-LEWIS: Mr Chairman. Dr Hartzenberg’s statements are on records of this court, of this committee. BIZOS: Please answer the question. DERBY-LEWIS: He did not tell me personally, once again. BIZOS: Did any other party leader of the Conservative Party tell you personally that there was a change in policy by the CP from non- violence to violence? DERBY-LEWIS: No Mr Chairman. BIZOS: Thank you. DERBY-LEWIS: What I’m trying to say Mr Chairman is that while the official policy of the CP was against violence … We’re saying that the interpretation, the perception was that the CP was already involved in violence with the mobilisation plans and the statement by Dr Treurnicht. BIZOS: But Dr Hartzenburg says exactly the opposite, that violence is outside the CP. Was he telling the truth or not? DERBY-LEWIS: He was telling the truth, and I’ve already said that. BIZOS: You say there was an unofficial policy of the CP. What was the unofficial policy of the CP in relation to violence? It must be violence. b: Mr Chairman I did not say there was an unofficial policy in the CP, I said it was outside, it was bigger than the CP. |
SOURCE 2C
The following extract describes the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) findings towards the killing of Chris Hani.
| Few matters provoke as much emotion as the assassination of Chris Hani. It is now 20 years since convulsions (sudden movement) of anger and grief shook the country as images of his bloodied corpse on his driveway were beamed across the world. It was a pivotal (importance) event that could have changed the course of history. These days, one of the killers, Clive Derby-Lewis, is making a renewed attempt for clemency (mercy), this time offering to meet Hani’s widow, Limpho, to apologise. But though Derby-Lewis escaped the gallows when his sentence was commuted life imprisonment, this is really a slow death sentence. He will never be forgiven for spilling the blood of Chris Hani. By their own admission, Janusz Walus and Clive Derby-Lewis had plotted Chris Hani’s assassination to propel whites into rebellion (opposition to authority) and to destabilise (unstable) the relationships built during the multi-party political negotiations in the 1990s. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) summed up their plan as follows: ‘Their objective was to create a situation in which the radicals who supported Hani would cause widespread chaos and mayhem (violent disorder) in the wake of his death. Because the NP (National Party) would not be able to take effective control, the situation would unite right-wing leaders. They would then be able to combine with security forces and, by ‘stepping in’, trigger a counter-revolution’ and take over the government of the country’. |
SOURCE 2D
The picture below shows SACP supporters hold up placards during a march through Pretoria's CBD in 2017 in support of Justice Minister Michael Masutha’s decision to appeal the parole granted to Chris Hani's killer, Janusz Walus.
QUESTION 3:
WHAT WAS THE EFFECT OF GLOABALISATION ON SOUTH AFRICA?
SOURCE 3A
This source explains why the ANC changed their economic policy to GEAR (Growth, Employment and Redistribution) after 1996.
| GEAR was an unvarnished free-market programme … a combination of relaxed exchange rates, privatisation, fiscal discipline and collaboration with the private sector to produce export-driven growth … Thus GEAR marked the completion of the ANC’s astonishing ideological U-turn … It also caused great tension in the alliance, with COSATU and the SACP feeling their socialist concerns had been roughly cast aside. What rubbed salt into the wounds was that they felt the policy change had been foisted on them without consultation. The ANC had presented GEAR without even a debate in its National Executive Committee. Some disgruntled alliance members accused the political organisation of having betrayed the revolution. |
SOURCE 3B
The source below focuses on the strategic thinking in boosting the mining industry of South Africa globally.
| Trade and Industry Minister, Alec Erwin, prompted South Africa’s industries to ‘wake up and think’, as they would increasingly be faced with a less protected economy closer to the trade and turmoil of the world’s markets. He highlighted that, regardless of whether South Africa is the world's greatest gold or platinum producer, a lack of strategic thinking would see the mining industry lose that leadership position. Although the mining sector’s percentage contribution to South Africa’s gross domestic product has been decreasing, the industry is a significant exporter, and further beneficiation and value-added processes within the industry are expanding. All mining companies are essentially price takers in a global market; and that continued low prices, such as that of gold, can only result in a contraction of that business over the long term. An above-ground stockpile of nearly 30 000 tons of gold in world banks is a problem facing the gold industry and, although demand is exceeding newly-mined production, sales from bank stocks are keeping the price flat. However, growth in platinum-group metals, coal, iron-ore and zinc are fuelling South African mining significantly. Other factors lending a helping hand to the industry are an African market that is opening up, and expectations are that the continent’s move to increasingly free market conditions will continue. Local mining companies already boast success in countries such as Zambia, Ghana, Tanzania and Mali, among other countries. ‘The market for South African mining is really international, and we are moving everywhere where minerals are being mined.’ |
SOURCE 3C
This cartoon depicts the effects of globalisation on the developed and developing nations.
SOURCE 3D
This source explains the effects of globalisation on South Africa during and after apartheid.
| It is impossible to discuss trade away from industrialisation and vice versa. Through industrialisation, trade both local and international is made possible. The apartheid policies which were instituted to govern the country’s industries before its independence resulted in international sanctions and other protectionist policies that negatively affected South Africa’s manufacturing segment. The industrial firms were isolated from the global economy forcing the manufactures of the country’s economy to produce solely for the country’s domestic market. These policies also discouraged small and medium enterprises from starting up or flourishing and did not invest in the development of human capital. A cocktail of high import tariffs, international sanctions and lack of incentives for production improvement resulted in an uncompetitive industrial environment. Ultimately, the end result was an unproductive manufacturing sector marred by obsolete (outdated) technology and processes. However, with the re-integration of South Africa into the global economy during the early 1990s, the liberalisation policies enabled the country to overcome many of the challenges it previously faced. Industrialisation has since gained speed and according to Green, South Africa experienced an annual average of 6,7% in manufactured exports between 1990 and 2005 a 3,8% increase from the previous 20 years. Globalisation has enabled manufacturers access to a wider market base across the world and has also enabled consumers access a variety of goods and services. |
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Berman-Kane, Soweto – Black Revolt White Reaction. (Ravan Press 1981)
Eyewitness News (EWN) November 2017
Giantscholar.com/how-globalization-has-affected-south-africa/noordhoekvillage.com.
Pikoli. V and Wiener.M, My Second Initiation: The Memoirs of Vusi Pikoli. (Google Books 2013.)
https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/.../2013-04-10-the-blood-of-chris-hani-and-the-eter
http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/amntrans/index.htm.
http://www.toonpool.com/cartoons/Globalisation_30593#img9
www.sahistory.org.za/dated-event/trc-refuses-amnesty-hanis-killers
www.sahistory.org.za/people/stephen-bantu-biko
Published in Grade 12 September 2018 Preparatory Examinations