HISTORY PAPER 2
GRADE 12
NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE
ADDENDUM
NOVEMBER 2019

QUESTION 1: WHAT ROLE DID THE SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS' ORGANISATION (SASO) PLAY IN CONSCIENTISING BLACK SOUTH AFRICANS?
SOURCE 1A
The source below focuses on the reasons for the establishment of the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) in 1969.
Black university students joined the multiracial and liberal National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) because it was outspoken in its criticism of government's actions. Several white leaders empathised (sympathised) with the black cause by speaking out for them.
However, Bantu Stephen Biko felt that even within anti-government politics, blacks still did not play as prominent (important) a role as whites. Therefore, dissatisfaction with the system arose. In the period 1967–1968, Biko was one of the students who began to analyse and criticise the unhealthy political situation in the country. He instantaneously (immediately) became a hero of millions of Africans who rejected apartheid.
At the Natal University medical school for blacks, at Wentworth near Durban Biko was elected to the Student Representative Council (SRC) and in 1967, attended a NUSAS conference of students which was critical of the government. Rhodes University, the conference host, refused to allow mixed-raced accommodation or eating facilities. Biko reacted angrily to the incident and slated (criticised) the incomplete integration of student politics under the existing system …
Biko and his colleagues felt that blacks needed to learn to speak for themselves. At the University Christian Movement (UCM) meeting held in Stutterheim in 1968, young black students supported Biko's idea for an exclusively all-black movement. In 1969, African students launched a blacks-only student movement, the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) and Biko was elected president.

SOURCE 1B
The source below focuses on the various community projects that SASO launched in the 1970s.
By the early 1970s SASO began to bring together other black organisations, and in 1972 created the Black People's Convention as the political organisation that would promote the philosophy of Black Consciousness (BC) across South Africa.
SASO's community development projects are said to have been strongly influenced by Julius Nyerere's notion of 'ujaama' (self-reliance) and Paulo Freire's approach to develop political awareness among oppressed groups. The objective was to assist black communities to determine and realise their own needs. SASO did not seek to be a welfare organisation and community projects were seen not as an end in itself, but rather as a means to win the trust and confidence of people and as a platform for their education and mobilisation …
Community development projects began with the involvement of the SASO branch at the University of Natal Medical School attempting to address the needs of squatter (informal settlements) and poor communities near Durban for clean water, shelter and health services. SASO projects nationally included the building of small dams, the construction of school buildings, provision of medicine, soup kitchens and assisting relocated communities.
As part of community development, SASO was also involved in literacy programmes and a 'Home Education Scheme'. The literacy project was taken over from the University Christian Movement in 1972. Literacy was seen as playing a key role in black South African communities because it contributed to their 'political, economic and social conscientisation'.

SOURCE 1C
The newspaper article below highlights the reasons the Minister of Justice gave for the banning of SASO leaders. It was published in the Rand Daily Mail on 9 March 1973.
WHY PELSER BANNED THE SASO 8
(Rand Daily Mail, 9 March 1973)
The Minister of Justice, Mr Pelser, stunned (shocked) Parliament yesterday by admitting that eight SASO leaders (Saths Cooper, Muntu Myeza, Strini Moodley, Patrick 'Terror' Lekota, Pandelani Nefolovhodwe, Nkwenkwe Nkomo, Kaborone Sedibe and Zihulele Cindi) had been banned because court proceedings would have given them a platform (publicity).
There were gasps (intake of breath) of disbelief and shock from the opposition benches during a snap half-hour debate called by the Progressive Party member of parliament (MP) for Houghton, Mrs Helen Suzman, over the shock bannings …
After quoting statements made by black student leaders, in which repeated references were made to 'arson, rape and bloody revolution when the black revolution comes', the Minister said that when these things were said and were repeated, there could only be one end result, murder and violence.
Mr Pelser's admission was drawn from him by the leader of the opposition, Sir De Villiers Graaff, who demanded to know why, if the alleged statements by the SASO leaders the Minister had quoted were accompanied by an overt (obvious) act, he (the Minister) had not taken them to court.
Mr Pelser's reply was, 'It would have given them a platform (publicity).' Sir De Villiers Graaff said the Minister's attitude was incomprehensible (makes no sense).
Earlier Mrs Suzman warned the government that it could ban black leaders but 'others will rise up in their place, for the government was responsible for creating an indestructible (everlasting) black nationalism, which is only a by-product of white nationalism'.

SOURCE 1D
The source below appeared on the front cover of a SASO newsletter. The title was 'BANNING ISSUE' and it was published in March 1973.

QUESTION 2: HOW DID THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC) DEAL WITH THE MURDER OF POLITICAL ACTIVIST ASHLEY KRIEL?
SOURCE 2A
The extract below outlines the reasons for the formation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) emerged from the Kempton Park negotiations between the National Party and the African National Congress in 1993 and 1994, as part of the negotiated transition to democracy in South Africa. It was conceived (created) to address South Africa's violent and repressive (brutal) past and as a way of promoting national unity and reconciliation. It was premised (based) on the belief that in order to build national unity and reconciliation, it should establish as truthful a record as possible of the 'nature, causes and extent of gross violations of human rights' committed under apartheid between 1 March 1960 and 10 May 1994, the period covered by the TRC mandate. At the same time, it was hoped that the work of the TRC would enable victims of human rights abuses in South Africa to 'become more visible and more valuable citizens through the public recognition and official acknowledgement of their experiences' and that 'those responsible for violations of human rights could be held responsible for their actions'. In carrying out its mandate, the TRC undertook a range of activities including: the holding of a number of public hearings at which both victims and perpetrators had a chance to tell their stories; the issuing of amnesty to perpetrators of human rights in return for a full disclosure of their actions; and the designing of a reparations package for victims of human rights abuses.

SOURCE 2B
The extract below focuses on the role that Ashley Kriel played in the struggle against apartheid and his subsequent murder by security policeman, Jeffrey Benzien.
On 9 July 1987 Ashley Kriel, who was just 20 years old, was murdered on the Cape Flats by the apartheid security police. His family, friends and other activists regarded him as a hero, champion and struggle icon who fought for a free South Africa. Yet, despite the passage of time, his two sisters are today still battling to find closure over his brutal death.
In the eyes of Michel Assure and Melanie Adams, Kriel was a born leader who was both spirited and funny. He was a member of various student groups while at school, where he developed his public speaking and organisational skills. According to Kriel's sisters, Ashley organised the youth of Bonteheuwel to embark on school boycotts, protests and other actions in line with the African National Congress' (ANC's) call to make the country 'ungovernable' …
Even though they had fears for his safety, his sisters were not surprised when he joined the ANC's military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), to fight the apartheid regime. Kriel went to an ANC camp in Lusaka and later returned, but spent most of his time in hiding in areas close to their childhood home.
Ashley Kriel's sisters do not believe their brother's killer told the truth. In a moving interview at the ANC's Athlone office, where Assure now works, she vividly recalled the horror of going to the 'safe house' where Kriel was killed.
'What I saw in that house told me a story. I found a bloodstained spade and I suspect he was beaten with the spade. And that caused the gash (cut) on his head, which I had seen when I went to the mortuary. They brutally tortured him …'
'In the mortuary, other than the gash in the head, I had seen that Ashley had grown into such a beautiful strong young man, and it made me strong,' she said, tears welling (forming) in her eyes. 'I refused to break in front of the security police there. I refused to show them weakness. I chose to be strong for Ashley.'
What the sisters do know is that Kriel was shot in the back by the notorious apartheid security policeman, Jeffrey Benzien.

SOURCE 2C
The following is part of the testimony that Jeffrey Benzien gave at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings at the Bellville Community Centre in Cape Town on 14 July 1997.
MR BENZIEN: Thank you Chairperson. Before I start with reading out of my application, I would like to mention the following:
Firstly, I apologise to any person or persons whom I have harmed and I specifically apologise to the families of Ashley Kriel for the death of their son and brother. Although I deny that I killed him unlawfully and wrongfully, he did, however, die as a result of an action on my part and for that I apologise.
Life is precious and, judged ex post facto (from what happened afterwards) and based on today's political situation of reconciliation, his death was unnecessary. Further I also apologise to the people whom I assaulted during interrogation, namely Peter Jacobs, Ashley Forbes, Anwar Dramat, Tony Yengeni, Gary Kruse, Niclo Pedro and Allan Mamba …
ADV. COOK: … Mr Benzien, during your period at the Terrorist Tracing Unit, for which deed or deeds are you applying for amnesty?
MR BENZIEN: Chairperson, assaults, tortures, perjury (lies) committed during this period mentioned below, vis-à-vis (with regard to) suspects who were arrested and questioned as well as the death of Ashley Kriel … I stand by my statement which I made in the inquest (investigation) 23/87 and dated 15 July 1987.
The reason I am now applying is as follows:
This is an open and democratic forum in the new Republic of South Africa and I hope that I will be able to convince the families that I am speaking the truth …
CHAIRPERSON: Benzien is granted amnesty for:
1. The unlawful killing of Ashley Kriel on 15 July 1987 …

SOURCE 2D
The photograph below shows people carrying a banner protesting against the TRC's decision to grant amnesty for the murder of Ashley Kriel. The following words appeared on the banner 'TRC: NO JUSTICE FOR ASHLEY KRIEL'.

QUESTION 3: WHAT IMPACT DID THE 2018 BRICS SUMMIT HAVE ON SOUTH AFRICA?
SOURCE 3A
The source below focuses on the role that South Africa played in hosting the 10th BRICS Summit that was held in Sandton, Johannesburg in July 2018. This article was published on the South African government's website (SAnews.gov.za) on 29 January 2018.
South Africa, which took over the rotational chairmanship of the emerging economic grouping Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS), is set to host the 10th summit in July 2018.
The summit, which is scheduled at the Sandton Convention Centre in Johannesburg from 25 to 27 July, will see South Africa building on the programme of development and prosperity for partner countries.
South Africa's BRICS Sherpa (leader) during the BRICS stakeholder roundtable, Ambassador Anil Sooklal, said that 'BRICS is an important global formation and South Africa is privileged to host the summit the second time around, as we enter the second decade of cooperation. We have been meeting in a summit form for nine years now and this will be the 10th session. The first summit we hosted in 2013 was very successful with very tangible (real) outcomes and the results of that summit are visible in the work of the BRICS and the global community and we are confident that this summit will also follow suit'.
Sooklal said the summit will showcase the cooperation that BRICS members enjoy, as well as its impact globally as they address key challenges faced by emerging countries, such as developmental challenges, growing their economies, and addressing poverty and unemployment.
According to Sooklal, within the BRICS context, South Africa has three primary goals which are to see development and inclusive economic growth, to promote value-added trade among BRICS countries and to promote investment.

SOURCE 3B
This photograph shows the leaders of India, China, South Africa, Russia and Brazil at the 10th BRICS Summit that was held in Sandton on 25 July 2018.

SOURCE 3C
The article below focuses on the trade deals that were signed between South Africa and its BRICS partners. It is titled 'BRICS Investment Deals – Good News for Poor South Africans' and was published in The Sowetan on 25 July 2018.
The agreements which are set to be signed between emerging markets at the BRICS Summit, underway in the north of Johannesburg, are likely to benefit poor and unemployed South Africans.
This is according to political analyst, Somadoda Fikeni, who yesterday said investment deals would provide much-needed jobs for many people. 'Any funding would create jobs for the ordinary man on the street. South Africa being part of crafting (developing) a new direction can only be positive if it is handled correctly by the government. But, this is positive, especially because South Africa has been downgraded,' (economic downgrade by Western rating agencies) Fikeni said.
He said the fact that South Africa is part of the BRICS bloc gives it an opportunity for funding. 'The world power is shifting towards the East, away from superpowers such as the US,' Fikeni said. However, Fikeni warned that South Africa should not be complacent (satisfied) and think that BRICS countries have good intentions. 'They come with the national interests of their countries.' On Tuesday, China made a commitment of $14,7 billion (R196 billion) to fund investments in South Africa.
Another political analyst, Ralph Mathekga, said BRICS countries were trying to retain financial sovereignty (independence). He stated that 'BRICS is a way to build financial development where BRICS countries do not have to go to the World Bank for funding'. Mathekga, however, said South Africa was still regarded as an underdog (second best) by other BRICS countries. 'What is happening is positive but South Africa should know that it is still treated as an underdog.'

SOURCE 3D
The source below focuses on the challenges that South Africa faces as a member of BRICS. It is written by W Gumede.
The challenge for South Africa is that BRICS may erode South Africa's domestic economy and directly affect employment of its citizens. Many products from BRICS countries compete with those of South Africa. BRICS and Western capitalist countries are all targeting Africa's resources, which poses a direct threat to South Africa's economy. Structural obstacles, poor economic and political policies and the lack of imagination in leadership have restricted South Africa's growth.
If old industrial and emerging powers gain an economic foothold in Africa this may undermine South Africa's efforts to grow. Other BRICS countries are already exporting manufactured goods to Africa, including the inputs to Africa's planned infrastructure programmes such as railways. This is hurting South Africa's manufacturing sector which is a key for job creation.
Many South African manufacturers say that while products from BRICS countries enter South African markets relatively easily, high tariff barriers make it difficult for South African products to enter its BRICS partners' markets. Nomaxabiso Majokweni, of the umbrella business organisation BUSA, summed up what South Africa needed from BRICS countries when she said 'The balancing act is to ease business transactions while protecting the interests of industry and manufacturing. We are not seeking preferential (special) or free trade agreements. Rather, we should be driving for more transparency from our partners, especially on tariff schedules and hidden internal taxes.'

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following:
http://www.historicalpapers.wits.ac.za/inventories/inv pdfo/AD2189-C9-02--jpeg.pdf
http://www.indrastra.com2016/01/opinion-south-africa-brics-challenges
http://www.justice.gov.za/trc/amntrans/capetown/capetown_benzien.htm
https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/58914753.pdf.
https://mg.co.za/article/2014-04-24-murder-of-anc-guerrilla-haunts-his-sisters-27-years-after-he-was-killed.
https://www.apartheidmuseum.org/sites/default/files/files/BIKO%202b.pdf
https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/south-african-students-organisation-saso/
https://www.gettyimages.ae/photos/ashley-kriel?mediatype=photography&phrase= ashley%20kriel&sort=mostpopular
https://www.google.com/search?q=images+of+south+african+learners+in+a+computer+class+room.m
https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/formation-saso-and-black-peoples-convention
https://www.sanews.gov.za/south-africa/sa-host-10th-brics-summit-july
https://www.sowetanonline.co.za