The Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) of South Africa instigated (started) a social, cultural and political awakening in the country in the 1970s. By the mid-1960s, major anti-apartheid organisations in South Africa such as the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) had been virtually silenced by government repression. In 1969, Steve Biko and other black students frustrated with white leadership in multi-racial student organisations formed an exclusively black association. Out of the South African Students Organisation (SASO) came what was termed Black Consciousness. This philosophy refined ‘black’ as an exclusive, positive identity and taught that black South Africans could make meaningful change in their society if “conscientised” (made aware) or awakened to their self-worth and the need for activism (to take action). The movement emboldened (inspired) youth, contributed to the development of Black Theology and cultural movements and led to the formation of new community and political organisations such as the Black Community Programs organisation and the Black People’s Convention.
Articulate (fluent) and charismatic (well-known), Steve Biko, was one of the movement’s instigators (troublemakers) and prolific (creative) writers. When the South African government understood the threat Black Consciousness posed to apartheid, it worked to silence the movement and its leaders.

[From: http://africanhistory.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.001.0001/acrefore 9780190277734-e-83. Accessed on 13 November 2018.] 

At 07:00 on the frosty morning of Wednesday, 16 June 1976, the last commuters hurried to catch the taxis, buses and trains that would deliver them to their places of labour in Johannesburg. When they returned that evening their world would be changed forever.
Before most reached their destination, the bell for morning assembly would be ringing at schools throughout the township. But the scholars did not gather as usual, they assembled in the school grounds to sing Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrica and protest songs. After this they chanted ‘Amandla’ (Power) and unfurled (open up) banners and placards that read ‘Away with Afrikaans,’ Afrikaans the most dangerous drug,’ The Department of Bantu Education is formed of ignorant fools,’ and ‘It happened in Angola. Why not here?’
Tsietsi Mashinini enthusiastically led the singing at Morris Isaacson, while at Naledi High, Tebello Motapanya addressed the students and outlined the route they were to follow to Orlando Stadium. The headmaster of Orlando West High School, Mashumi Mzanduma, having heard that the marchers were to congregate (assemble) at his school and fearing they were planning to coax (lure) away his students, who were in the midst of writing exams, telephoned the Orland Police Station. Colonel Kleingeld, in response, ordered all available policemen to be on standby and sent a black sergeant to investigate. He returned at 7:45 am and notified the commanding officer that scholars were marching from north to south along Xorile Street … Six station commanders were instructed to send out patrols.
It was 8:10 am and reports were flooding in of police vehicles being stoned in various parts of the township. At the same time crowds were pouring on to the streets – attracted by the songs, chants and the excitement that permeated (filled) the air. ‘Are you going to kill our children?’ asked a women bystander of a police sergeant who strode by. ‘No’ replied the policeman. ‘There will be no shooting. The children are not fighting anybody, they are only demonstrating.’

[From The Inside Story of the 1976 by P. Hopkins et. al.] 

One of the gunshot victims of yesterday’s bloody riot in Soweto was rushed to Phefeni Clinic in a WORLD Press car by WORLD reporter Sophie Tema, who witnessed the start of the riot.
But the journey to the clinic was in vain (useless) – the young boy who had been shot was already dead. According to Miss Tema’s eyewitness account, the riot started when the police threw a teargas shell into a large crowd of school students who were taunting (teasing) them. Miss Temba was standing behind the police lines at the start of the riot.
A crowd of students which she estimated at thousands had gathered in front of Phefeni Junior Secondary School and were singing the Sotho national anthem, when the police arrived. When police arrived sections of the crowd began taunting them and waving placards, while the remainder kept singing. A white policeman then hurled (threw) what seemed to be a teargas shell …
Miss Temba said the crowd immediately became angry and began throwing rocks and any other object they could find at the police. At no stage, she said, did police warn the students to disperse and there did not seem to be any communication at all between the crowd and the police. Immediately the crowd began throwing rocks, Miss Tema said she saw a white policeman pull out his revolver, point it and fire it. As soon as the shot was fired other policemen also began firing. The students began running …
Small groups of students then kept running out of side streets, stoning the police before running away again. Miss Tema did not think this activity was organized, but was spontaneous (unplanned). She then saw a young boy whom she estimated to be between six and seven years old fall with a bullet wound. ‘I took him to the Phefeni Clinic in a Press car but he was dead when we arrived, she said.’ …

[From The Soweto Uprisings by Sifiso Ndlovu] 

The TRC was set up by the post-apartheid government as a way to deal with the past and to see that people’s human rights are not abused again. The Interim Constitution of 1993 spoke of “a need for understanding, but not for vengeance, a need for reparation, but not for retaliation, a need for Ubuntu but not for victimisation.” It also said, “The pursuit of national unity, the well-being of all South African citizens and peace require reconciliation between the people of South Africa and the reconstitution (rebuilding) of society.” Therefore, the first democratic parliament approved legislation that set up the TRC.
The TRC was founded with the aims of establishing a restorative, rather than a punitive justice. The goal of the TRC was not to prosecute and impose punishment on the perpetrators, but rather to bring closure to the many victims and their families in the form of full disclosure of the truth. The amnesty hearings undertaken by the TRC represents these aims, by offering full amnesty to those who came forward and confessed their crimes.

[From Turning Point in History by Institute of Justice and Reconciliation] 

In the case of Johan van Zyl, Eric Taylor, Gerhardus Lotz, Nicholas van Rensburg, Harold Snyman and Hermanus du Plessis; the amnesty hearings offer more than just a testimony of their crimes. The amnesty hearings of the murderers of a group of anti-apartheid activists known as the Cradock Four show the extent of violence the apartheid state was willing to use on its own citizens to quiet any opposition and maintain its authority. On 28 June 1985 four burnt bodies with multiple stab wounds were discovered in a remote location off the road between Cradock and Port Elizabeth ... However, a following inquest in 1993 determined that the state security forces were responsible, yet failed to expose any individuals. It would not be over until a decade later with the establishment of the TRC that the full story would be uncovered.
It was at the amnesty hearings of members of the security police dating from 23 to 27 February 1998 that the story of the Cradock Four was finally brought to light and the motivation behind it became publicly known. According to Van Zyl, Goniwe’s car was intercepted (stopped) as it was heading towards Cradock returning from Port Elizabeth (from a UDF meeting). They handcuffed the men and drove them to an isolated area where they burned the vehicle. Van Zyl then said that Colonel Van Rensburg directed him to make the ‘attack ... appear as if was a vigilante (robbers) or AZAPO attack. In other words we should use sharp objects to eliminate (remove) the individuals and that we should burn their bodies with petrol.’ Accordingly, the bodies were stabbed, the handcuffs removed and then they were burned. Van Zyl clearly states in his testimony that his crimes ‘formed a part of the political struggle of that time’ and that his motivation in carrying out the murder of the Cradock Four was not based on anything else.

[From sahistory.org.za/archive/trc-cradock-four-amnesty-hearing. Accessed on 22 November 2018.] 

TRC commissioner, John Smith, opened the hearing by asking whether Ms Calata wished to learn the identity of individuals responsible for her husband’s death and why she would like to know.
Ms Calata: I’d be very glad to know this person. If I can know the individuals who are responsible for this I will be able to understand why they did it. Most of the time I can remember that this child, the third born, Tommy does not have a picture of his father and the last born has no idea at all and they always ask how he was and what he will be doing at this time … As a mother I always have to play the roles of both parents, but I’ll be really glad if I can know what happened so that my children can get an explanation from me …
Mr Smith now asked Ms Mhlauli if she wanted to know who killed her husband.
Ms Mhlauli: I’d gladly love to know the murderers of my husband and they should also come forward and tell their story and the reason why they committed such brutal actions, and I think, in order to be able to achieve, what we are all hoping for, justice should prevail, the law should take its course. Even if I say these people should be given amnesty it won’t return my husband. We know we have buried them, but really to have the hand which is said to be in a bottle in Port Elizabeth; we would like to get the hand. Thank you.

[From www.saha.org.za. Accessed on 22 November 2018.] 

Globalisation is an attempt to unify the world economically, through a combination of deregulated (free) foreign trade, reduction in trade tariffs and the removal of export fees. Globalisation seeks to utilise foreign markets effectively for trade as well as provide new development opportunities for production employment in foreign countries. The effects of globalisation come into question when the reality fails to meet these beneficial goals.
Inherent (essential) in the idea of globalisation, foreign aid seeks to eliminate the natural economic differences between nations. As a part of globalisation, foreign aid is responsible for providing positive force that helps third-world countries improve the living conditions of their population. Globalisation requires thriving (flourishing) markets, filled with people who have money to purchase foreign products and establish a thriving market. Since the 1980s, overall foreign aid had diminished sharply for third-world countries.
Globalisation offers improved employment opportunities for people in many countries around the world. However, the largest percentage of these new employment opportunities occur in already developed nations. As a result, people who live in third world countries have to migrate in order to move to these new opportunities.
The process of globalisation fails to translate (transform) into real economic improvements to third-world countries. Instead, financial support is diverted to developed nations, who are more likely to repay debts and support the existing credit system. Institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have shown a preference for developed countries, lending more money to these countries because money lent to third-world countries is not being paid back quickly enough. The effect is a wider gap between the economic stability of third-world countries and their developed neighbours.

[From Globalisation’s effects on Third-World Countries by K Hammond.] 

Importantly, globalisation is playing a pivotal (key) role in the Third World. In particular globalisation is shaping politics, promoting technological development, enhancing economic processes and improvement of social, health and the natural environment. Today, third world countries enjoy endless opportunities because of globalisation. International trade remains a booster (supporter) for most of these economies, as they are markets for developed nations and get a chance to export their products to the global market. Globalisation has opened up new markets. With less borders, developing countries experience freer trade between countries. This promotes economic growth for developing countries.
The first effect is improved standards of living for millions in the third world. In particular, with globalisation, governments of developing countries have access to foreign lending. When they channel these funds to improving transport infrastructure, healthcare systems, irrigation, education and other social services, the standard of living improves. However, in case this money does not serve the right people, it may breed corruption and entrench (establish) poverty in developing countries. Globalisation also promotes technological growth in developing countries. Today third world countries are connected to the rest of the world through satellite and cable.

[From https;//www.linkedin.com/pulse/impact-globalisation-developing. Accessed on 27 November 2018.] 

Globalisation is not very rosy for developing countries. Globalisation is two-sided. As the First World enjoys endless benefits, the effects of globalisation on developing countries are harming their economies in different ways. It is leading to unemployment, widening income inequalities and cultural imperialism (domination) among other negative factors.
The ever increasing income inequality gap in developing countries is of major concern. Some of the poor people in the third world are becoming poorer. Sadly, globalisation is causing unemployment in developing countries. It is true that the influx of foreign investors in the third world has created numerous jobs especially for casual labourers. However, technology is a threat to millions of jobs as it spreads into the domestic market. Agricultural and manufacturing sectors suffer the wrath (madness) of globalisation as technology lessens the need for casual and unskilled labour force in these sectors. Therefore, the challenge for developing countries is to have plans in place to train the unskilled labour force.

[From http://www.tigweb.org/youth-media/panorama/article.html?Contentl. Accessed on 27 November 2018.].]