HISTORY PAPER 2
GRADE 12
NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE
ADDENDUM
JUNE 2017
QUESTION 1:
WHAT WAS THE IMPACT OF THE BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT AND THE SOWETO UPRISING ON THE ANC?
SOURCE 1A
| This extract explains some of the aspects of the syllabus of Bantu Education for Standard 3 to Standard 4. The medium of instruction throughout the whole course is vernacular, (dialect/mother tongue), except in the case of English and Afrikaans. The following are the subjects and the time allocated to each in indicated in brackets in minutes per week: Religious Instruction (100), Afrikaans (205), English (205), Arithmetic (180), Social Studies (180), Health Education (150), Nature Study (60), Singing and Games (60), Needlework (for girls), Tree Planting and Soil Conservation, Handwork and Home Craft, and Gardening for boys and girls (each 120). It should be noted that out of a total of 1650 minutes per week, 360 minutes or nearly a quarter of the time is spent in handwork, gardening or tree planting and soil conservation. In addition, the Nature Study course provides for practical work in all classes which includes the “collection of weeds” … In the section dealing with History, to indicate what a fortunate heritage awaits him, the child is taught in detail all the ‘benevolent contributions’ which the state and church have made towards the developments of the Bantu. Not a word is mentioned of the contribution made by the Africans towards these institutions and towards the development of the country generally. Under mining, Commerce and Industry, the History course includes: “the effects of mining, commerce and industry on the life of the Bantu – the creation of opportunities for work; new professions and trades; movement of the people to cities; need for influx control.” [Taken from: Bantu Education in Action by Duma Nokwe, a South African political activist and legislator, who served as the Secretary-General of the African National Congress from 1958 to 1969.] |
SOURCE 1B
These extracts were taken from an interview with Tebello Motapanyana; General-Secretary of SASM.
| Question What main grievances emerged at the first congress? Well, primarily it was the issue which affected us very much, that is, Bantu Education. As the congress actually noted, Bantu Education was designed to domesticate us rather than to educate us as people. It was designed to prepare us for the labour policies of the government and the ruling class it represented. In January 1972 the African Student’s Movement (ASM) pledged itself to build a national movement of school students which would work alongside the South African Student Organisation (SASO), the Black Consciousness organisation at black universities. As a result ASM changed its name to the South African Students’ Movement (SASM)… Question We know that soon after June 16, the government, in an attempt to stop the nation-wide demonstrations, retreated on the question of Afrikaans. We also know that despite that retreat the students continued to go in for their militant actions. Could you comment on this? Afrikaans was not the real issue. It provided the spark that fell on top of the powder keg (situation that is likely to become dangerous or violent soon) that was building up amongst the African people as a whole. Afrikaans happened to be the immediate issue. The real issues are racism, oppression and exploitation. [Taken from: SECHABA, official organ of the ANC South Africa Volume 11 Second Quarter 1977] |
SOURCE 1C
This is an extract from an interview with Nkosazana Dlamini, the Vice President of SASO.
| Question Why, in your view, was there this sudden rallying over the education issue in June, then this sustained heroic militant action by the people everywhere? How do they remain so resilient? One reason why it has been sustained is that there has been in fact been a great deal of political work going on before, which brought out the pre-conditions, before the outbreak. The June incidents sparked of something amongst the people who were really prepared and determined to carry on the struggle. Lots of people who left the country did not do so to apply for asylum (protection or safety) as refugees. They have left determined to acquire the necessary skills to fight and to help people in their struggle. And to show that much of the work has been done has come from the ANC – almost everybody who leaves the country looks for the ANC, and makes for them. They know where to go, they know who is going to give them necessary skills to overthrow the regime. [Taken from: SECHABA, official organ of the ANC South Africa Volume 11 Second Quarter 1977] |
SOURCE 1D
| This is an extract from a speech by Nelson Mandela at the 5th Steve Biko Lecture, 10 September 2004. From Robben Island we followed with immense interest the movement led and inspired by Steve Biko…The driving thrust of Black Consciousness was to forge pride and unity amongst the masses of our people and confidence in their ability to throw off their oppression. For its part the ANC welcomed Black Consciousness as part of the genuine forces of the revolution. We understood it was helping give the organisational form to the popular upsurge of all the oppressed groups in our society. Above all, the liberation movement asserted that in struggle – whether in mass action, underground organisation, armed actions or international mobilisation – the people would most readily develop consciousness of their proud being, of their quality with everyone else, of their capacity to make history… His revolution had a simple but overwhelmingly powerful dimension in which it played itself out – that of radically changing the consciousness of the people… The intervention on the level of consciousness – and consciousness was a key concept in his political approach and vocabulary – was at the essence of Biko’s strategic brilliance and understanding. That intervention came at a time when the political pulse of our people had been rendered faint by banning, imprisonment, exile, murder and banishment. Repressions had swept the country clear of all visible organisation of the people… |
QUESTION 2:
HOW DID THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL PARTIES RESPOND TO THE IDEALS OF THE TRC?
SOURCE 2A
The following extract is from a foreword by Archbishop Desmond Tutu which focuses on the outcome of the TRC process.
| We are deeply grateful to the thousands of South Africans who came to the Commission to tell us their stories. They have won our country the admiration of the world: wherever one goes, South Africa's peaceful transition to democracy, culminating (ending) in the truth and reconciliation process, is spoken of almost in reverent (respectful) tones, as a phenomenon (event) that is unique in the annals (records) of history, one to be commended as a new way of living for humankind. I regret that at the time of writing we owe so much by way of reparations (payment) to those who have been declared victims. The healing of those who came to us does hinge on their receiving more substantial reparations and I would be very deeply distressed if our country were to let down those who had the magnanimity (fairness) and generosity of spirit to reveal their pain in public. I appeal to the Government that we meet this solemn obligation and responsibility, and I should like to express appreciation that the Minister of Finance has made it clear that he still regards reparations as unfinished business. It is something of a pity that, by and large, the white community failed to take advantage of the truth and reconciliation process. They were badly let down by their leadership. Many of them carry a burden of a guilt which would have been lessened had they actively embraced the opportunities offered by the Commission; those who do not consciously acknowledge any sense of guilt are in a sense worse off than those who do. Apart from the hurt that it causes to those who suffered, the denial by so many white South Africans that they even benefited from apartheid is a crippling, self-inflicted blow to their capacity to enjoy and appropriate the fruits of change. But mercifully there have been glorious exceptions. |
SOURCE 2B
This source is from an interview held by Lerato Mbele with FW de Klerk, Roelf Meyer and Cyril Ramaphosa on Interface – SABC 3 on 30 April 2006.
| FW DE KLERK: The TRC process was flawed in many respects: numerous atrocities (killings) of the past have not been properly investigated; there was an over-emphasis on the role of the former security forces; the assassination of about 400 top IFP leaders has not been thoroughly probed; there has not been an in-depth analysis of what many would call 'black-on-black' violence. These flaws create an imbalance which tarnishes the credibility of the TRC. Furthermore I think the TRC failed to get to the core of understanding the past, or building understanding thereof. There is unfinished business, but we must now live the spirit of the Constitution. We must have Ubuntu ... instead of seeking vengeance. We should have reparation, instead of retaliation. If prosecutions go ahead, they must be even-handed: there must be prosecution of undisclosed crimes from all sides, not just from one side. I've never been in favour of blanket amnesty, but it will have a tremendous negative effect if we now get a situation that can be interpreted as a witch hunt. We must strike a balance. Prosecution in exceptional cases can be justified, if it is clear that people have hidden the truth of serious crimes for which they should have applied for amnesty. CYRIL RAMAPHOSA: FW de Klerk uses emotive (sensitive) words when he says 'witch hunt'. The term 'witch hunt' has never been part of the lexicon (dictionary) of the new South Africa. Nelson Mandela in leading this country to unity and reconciliation made sure that there would not be any blanket 'witch hunt' type of process. We are not accustomed to witch hunts; we are, however, as an emerging democracy, accustomed to justice. If crimes were committed in the past, by whomever, and no application for amnesty was made when the opportunity was there, justice must prevail. [From: Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa 10 years on by C Villa-Vicencio & F du Toit] |
SOURCE 2C
The following source expresses the failure of the TRC to summons the leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party and has been adapted from “South Africa: Overcoming Apartheid Building Democracy – Truth Commission and Interpretations of Violence”.
| Despite the findings of the TRC that the Inkhata Freedom Party (IFP) was the second largest violator of human rights violations in South Africa, the TRC failed to summons the head of the IFP. This decision was made deliberately for fear of generation violence in the volatile (unstable) Kwa- Zulu Natal region. The IFP had been viewed as an ally to the apartheid government until 1992. During the 1980s, the South African Defence Force trained and armed an offensive parliamentary unit of the IFP, known as the Caprivi Squad to destabilise communities. The strategy is aimed at weakening the ANC and promoting Inkatha in its place. The TRC later described its failure to issue the summons as ‘...in retrospect … probably an incorrect decision.’ (TRC, 1998D: 207) |
SOURCE 2D
Nelson Mandela had the following to say on the role of the ANC in the outbreak of violence in the 1990s
| There are members of the ANC killing our people. We must face the truth. It is true that the government is involved in the violence. It is members of the army, members of the police force and members of the intelligence service who are also behind this violence because they want to cripple and weaken the ANC. But I am not going to criticise the government and Inkatha. People who participate in this violence for whatever reason – kill innocent people just because others have killed innocent people – these ‘freedom fighters’ – are not serving the cause of freedom. Those of you [ANC members] who have in your midst members of Inkatha, PAC or AZAPO do not use violence against them unless it is self-defence. [From: Making History Grade 12, Pape et al, 1998] |
Acknowledgements
Bantu Education in Action by Duma Nokwe
http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=2875
http://www.overcomingapartheid.msu.edu
Making History Grade 12, Pape et al, 1998
SECHABA, official organ of the ANC South Africa Volume 11 Second Quarter 1977
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report
Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa 10 years on by C Villa-Vicencio & F du Toit