HISTORY PAPER 1 GRADE 12 AMENDED SENIOR CERTIFICATE EXAMS PAST PAPERS AND MEMOS MAY/JUNE 2018
ADDENDUM
QUESTION 1: WHY DID CUBA BECOME THE FOCAL POINT OF THE COLD WAR BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE SOVIET UNION IN THE 1960s? SOURCE 1A This source explains how President Eisenhower and President Kennedy of the United States of America responded to Cuba becoming a communist country in the 1960s.
President Eisenhower had early on suspected that Castro would take Cuba down the communist path, so in March 1960 he had secretly authorised the use of thirteen million dollars to train Cuban exiles, the people who had fled Cuba, to carry out an invasion of Cuba and oust (remove) Castro. Approximately fifteen hundred (1 500) exiles volunteered to be trained for this job by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The top secret training took place in the central American countries of Guatemala and Nicaragua. When President Kennedy took office, he inherited the Cuban problem. He had been briefed by Eisenhower's administration about the plans to remove Castro. Surprised, Kennedy nevertheless allowed the CIA and the Cuban exiles to proceed. However, knowing that it would look bad for a powerful nation to invade a tiny island, he refused to involve the American military: US military aircraft would not be allowed to provide cover for the invasion. Kennedy hoped it would appear that the United States had played no part. The CIA and the 1 500 exiles, sure that the Cuban people would rise up and help their efforts against Castro, went ahead with their invasion on 17 April 1961, at a swampy beach area known as the Bay of Pigs. Castro had received word of the planned invasion through informants who knew of the exiles and had his army ready with Soviet-made tanks. The defeat of the invading exiles was swift and complete. It was clear the failed invasion was backed by the United States, because the band of exiles could have never become so organised or bold … Now firmly in the communist camp, Castro was against American imperialism.
SOURCE 1B The source below is an extract from a letter that was written by the Soviet Premier, Nikita Khrushchev, to the US President, JF Kennedy, on 18 April 1961. It called for an end of the United States of America's aggression against Cuba.
Mr President, I send you this message in an hour of alarm, fraught (troubled) with danger for the peace of the whole world. Armed aggression has begun against Cuba. It is a secret to no one that the armed bands invading this country were trained, equipped and armed in the United States of America. The planes which are bombing Cuban cities belong to the United States of America; the bombs they are dropping are being supplied by the American government. All of this evokes (arouses) here in the Soviet Union an understandable feeling of indignation (anger) on the part of the Soviet government and the Soviet people. Only recently, in exchanging opinions through our respective representatives, we talked with you about the mutual desire of both sides to put forward joint efforts directed toward improving relations between our countries and eliminating (removing) the danger of war. How can what is being done by the United States in reality be understood, when an attack on Cuba has now become a fact? It is still not late to avoid the irreparable (damage). The government of the USA still has the possibility of not allowing the flame of war ignited (started) by interventions in Cuba to grow into an incomparable conflagration (disaster). As far as the Soviet Union is concerned, there should be no mistake about our position: We will render the Cuban people and their government all necessary help to repel (prevent) armed attack on Cuba.
[From The Kennedy-Khrushchev Letters by T Fensch, ed.]
SOURCE 1C This source explains how President Khrushchev assisted Cuba.
Although he had defeated the Cuban exiles' who invaded at the Bay of Pigs, Castro was afraid the United States still wanted to invade Cuba in order to get rid of him, change the government, and destroy Cuba's communist revolution. So he asked his friend, Soviet Chairman Khrushchev, for more help. Khrushchev secretly began sending nuclear missiles to Cuba. Weapons of mass annihilation (destruction) were now only 90 miles away from the United States. It is likely that Khrushchev and Castro believed that these deadly missiles would convince the United States to leave Cuba alone. They were wrong. The United States, using special spy planes equipped with powerful cameras, discovered that missile sites were being built and also came to the conclusion that Soviet ships were sailing from Russia to Cuba with offensive missiles (they did not know that some of these missiles had already reached Cuba). President Kennedy and his advisors were horrified (shocked) and angry by these discoveries. They felt that they had to respond to the situation. The problem was: 'how?' What should they do about the possibility of nuclear missiles pointing at them from only 90 miles away?
[From On the Brink: from the Bay of Pigs to the Cuban Missile Crisis by M Mooney]
SOURCE 1D The map below illustrates a naval blockade that the United States of America imposed on Soviet ships that intended entering Cuba in October 1962.
[From http://libguides.monroe2boces.org. Accessed on 9 February 2018.] QUESTION 2: HOW DID THE INTERVENTION BY FOREIGN POWERS INTENSIFY COLD WAR TENSIONS IN ANGOLA BETWEEN 1974 AND 1976? SOURCE 2A This source explains how the MPLA, FNLA and UNITA fought over control of Angola after it attained independence in 1975.
Three main military movements had been fighting for Angolan independence since the 1960s. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) was a Marxist organisation centred in the capital, Luanda, and led by Agostinho Neto. The National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto, was based in the north of the country and had strong ties to the US ally (friend), Mobutu Sese Seko, in neighbouring Zaire. The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), an offshoot of the FNLA, was led by Jonas Savimbi and supported by the country's largest ethnic group, the Ovimbundu. Following the Portuguese coup (revolution), these three revolutionaries met with representatives of the new Portuguese government in January 1975 and signed the Alvor Agreement that granted Angolan independence and provided for a three-way power sharing government. However, trust quickly broke down among the three groups, and the country descended (fell) into civil war as each vied (competed) for sole (total) power. The crisis in Angola developed into a Cold War battleground as the superpowers and their allies delivered military assistance to their preferred clients. The United States supplied aid and training for both the FNLA and UNITA while troops from Zaire assisted Holden Roberto and his fighters. China also sent military instructors to train the FNLA. The Soviet Union provided military training and equipment to the MPLA. During the summer of 1975, the Soviet-supported MPLA was able to consolidate power in Luanda and oust (get rid of) the US-supported FNLA from the capital, but the FNLA continued to attack.
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) made its first major weapons shipment to the FNLA in July 1975. Thus, like the Russians and the Chinese, the United States was giving aid to one side of the Angolan civil war on a level far greater than it had ever provided during the struggle against Portuguese colonialism. The United States was directly involved in the civil war to a marked (noticeable) degree. In addition to training Angolan combat units, US personnel did considerable flying between Zaire and Angola carrying out reconnaissance (investigation) and supply missions, and the CIA spent over a million dollars on an ambitious mercenary (hired soldiers) programme. Several reports appeared in the US press stating that many American guerrillas were fighting in Angola against the MPLA from 'scores' to '300' and that many others were being recruited and trained in the United States to join them. But John Stockwell, the head of the CIA's Angola task force, puts the number of American mercenaries (hired soldiers) who actually made it to Angola at only 24. The CIA was also directly financing the arming of British mercenaries (fighting in Angola). Subsequently (later) the Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, informed the Senate that 'the CIA is not involved' in the recruitment of mercenaries for Angola … Through recruited journalists representing major news services, the Agency (CIA) was able to generate international coverage of false reports for Soviet advisers in Angola. One CIA story, announced to the press by UNITA, was that 20 Russians and 35 Cubans had been captured. Another fabrication (lie) concerned alleged rapes committed by Cuban soldiers in Angola; this was elaborated to include their capture, trial, and execution …
SOURCE 2C This cartoon by Bob Connolly was published in the Rand Daily Mail on 27 November 1975. It is titled 'Knuckle-rapping' and depicts Henry Kissinger (the US Secretary of State) slapping the Russian hand with an 'olive branch'.
[From Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, Pretoria by P Gleijeses]
SOURCE 2D This extract contains an explanation by Raul Diaz Arguelles, head of Decima Direccion (the special task force in charge of all Cuban military missions abroad) on why Cuba became involved in Angola from 1975.
'We arrived in Luanda, Angola, on Sunday, 3 August, and made contact with the MPLA,' Diaz Arguelles reported to Raul Castro … 'In our first conversation with Neto … we explained the purpose of our visit, which we based on the following points:
The request made by the MPLA … in January and the request made later in Mozambique by Cheito (Xiyeto), the chief of staff of FAPLA.
We wanted to clarify what aid we should offer, given the FNLA's and Mobutu's aggression against the MPLA and the possible course of events before independence in November. We knew the forces of reaction and imperialism would try all their might to prevent the MPLA from taking power because it would mean a progressive government in Angola. Therefore we were bringing Neto the militant solidarity of our Commander in Chief, our party and our government, and we gave him 100 000 dollars.
In the course of this conversation the Angolans complained about the paucity (lack) of aid from the socialist camp, and they pointed out that if the socialist camp does not help them … whereas the imperialists (USA) are helping the FNLA in every way possible. They also complained that the Soviet Union stopped helping them in 1972 and that the military aid is now sending is paltry (worthless), given the enormity (scale) of the need …' Meanwhile Diaz Arguelles' proposal for a military mission had been dramatically (greatly) expanded in Havana. The revised plan called for the dispatch of 480 men who would create (establish) and staff training centres, which would train some 5 300 Angolans in three to six months. Cuba would supply the weapons as well as food, clothing, camping gear, toiletries, medicine, cots and bedclothes. In other words Cuba, decided to offer Neto almost five times as many instructors as he had requested.
[From Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, Pretoria by P Gleijeses]
QUESTION 3: WHAT WERE THE RESPONSES TO THE FORMATION OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE 1960s? SOURCE 3A The extract below describes the formation and the strategies of the Black Panther Party in the 1960s.
One of the most radical of all Black Power groups, the Black Panther Party, was founded by Huey Newton, age 24, and Bobby Searle, age 30, in Oaklands, California, in October 1966. In ideological terms Newton and Searle were strongly influenced by Malcolm X and revolutionaries like Che Guevara, Frantz Fanon and Mao Zedong. The principle demands of the Panthers were incorporated into a ten-point manifesto. The manifesto was nationalistic in tone. Individual aims in it included: a payment of reparations to African Americans by the federal government, as compensation for slavery; an exemption of blacks from military service; and freedom for blacks held in federal, state, county and city prisons, unless tried by a jury of their peers from within the black community … … The Panthers undertook to monitor levels of police brutality and the harassment of black communities by law-enforcement officers. They also adopted a paramilitary style uniform of black berets, pale blue shirts, black leather jackets and black trousers and shoes. They asserted the constitutional right of all US citizens to carry arms (guns), as defined in the second amendment to the US constitution. Party members appeared heavily armed in public and Panther patrols followed police cars around the ghetto (townships/urban areas with a majority African American population). This resulted in tense relations with law-enforcement agencies and, in some instances, violent shoot-outs.
[From Black Civil Rights in America by K Verney]
SOURCE 3B The source below is taken from a Californian newspaper, The Sacramento Bee, which was published on 2 May 1967. The headline reads: 'CAPITOL IS INVADED' and the subheading reads: 'State Police Halt Armed Negro Band'.
By 1970 the Black Panther Party had nearly 5 000 members in more than 20 states. From San Diego to New Haven, Panthers and sympathisers were active in scores of programmes and service projects … The Panthers made copious (many) attempts to meet people's fundamental needs. More than anything these programmes attracted people to the party. By 1969 the Black Panther Party had free breakfast programmes in 19 locations, feeding 20 000 children weekly. The Panthers developed liberation schools, as well as the celebrated free health clinics that provided free sickle-cell (a genetic disease mainly affecting people of African origin) testing in Chicago, Portland, Los Angeles, New York and other cities. The Panthers founded the National Committee to Combat Fascism which brought together a broad collection of organisations to resist the war in Vietnam, police brutality and a range of other issues which were deemed (thought) harmful to African American people … To the young and determined rank and file (ordinary members) of the party, the Panthers were the vanguard (spearhead) of the revolution. The Panthers spread across the country, attracting thousands of young people to commit to the struggle in ways few organisations demanded … Different chapters (groups) would have different characteristics that reflected provincial (local) issues … The Black Panthers wanted to walk with the people towards revolution, even if this meant that its member must take the first step.
[From Black Power, Radical Politics and African American Identity by JOG Ogbar]
SOURCE 3D The source below describes the action that was taken against the Black Panther Party by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) during the 1960s.
The FBI denounced (criticised) the Black Panther Party itself as a group of 'communist outlaws' bent (determined) on overthrowing the US government. Armed with that definition and all the machinery of the federal government, J Edgar Hoover directed the FBI to wage a campaign to eliminate (destroy) the Black Panther Party altogether, commanding the assistance of local police departments to do so. Indeed, as Hoover stated in 1968 that the party represented 'the greatest threat to the internal security of the US,' he pledged that 1969 would be the last year of the party's existence … By the end of that year, nearly every office and other facility of the Black Panther Party had been violently assaulted by police and the FBI … There had been every kind of assault imaginable on the Party's social programmes and destruction of party property. Police raiders smashed the eggs of the breakfast programme, crushed the party's free clinic supplies and caused the destruction of batches of the party's newspapers. The FBI's so called counter-intelligence programme, known as COINTELPRO, directed its field offices and local police to destroy the party through the use of informants, agents provocateur (troublemakers) and covert activities involving mayhem (chaos) and murder. Nevertheless, the party survived and continued to build its survival programmes, which came to include not only the free breakfast programmes and free clinics, but also grocery giveaways, the manufacture and distribution of free shoes, school and education programmes, senior transport and service programmes, free bus services to prisons and prisoner support and legal aid programmes, among others.